Treat the Earth Well Essay Example for Free

Treat the Earth Well Essay Treat the earth well: it was not given to you by your parents, it was loaned to you by your children. We do not inherit the Earth from our Ancestors; we borrow it from our Children. We do not inherit the Earth from our Ancestors, we borrow it from our Children is an ancient Indian proverb that is reverberating in my ears. It was articulated by Craig Wing recently at a Global Shapers Johannesburg hub meeting. Its pure simplicity is quite piercing because it shows the effect of our ancestors’ actions on our current situation and it also serves as a warning on our current actions’ impact on our children. The architects of Apartheid effectively created a problem for everyone by creating artificial boundaries that were inherently going to be brought down. Anything that is artificial does not have staying power. The social, political and economic separation that was created took the country towards the extreme right swing of the pendulum. This ensured that the minority population enjoyed the majority of the social, political and economic benefits. When the pendulum swung back in the democratic era, it reversed the exclusivity of the social and political benefits from the minority while the economic ones are still lagging far behind. The constitution of the country has guiding principles that help the pendulum to swing to a neutral position at the centre and not to the extreme left because that is also dangerous. Broad-based Black Economic Empowerment policies are meant to accelerate the swing to the middle point which makes them temporal policies that cannot be allowed to stay on forever because they will swing the country to the extreme left. The greatest blind spot suffered by the architects of apartheid was that they disregarded the circular nature of life where things swing back. The result is their children became adversely affected when their policy of separation unravels. This is also a warning to the architects of transformation policies in South Africa to make sure that they understand the circular nature of life and factor it into the design of the policies. There is currently a lot of resistance in moving the economic pendulum from the status quo where only the minority benefits because of fear of an uncertain future. The problem is that the greater the resistance to economic transformation a greater amount of energy is going to be invested and extreme measures taken to make sure that the economic pendulum swings back but to the other extreme which could have unintended consequences. The reality is that the pendulum will swing back but at what cost to the country and its economic prospects? A variation of the proverb â€Å"Treat the earth well: it was not given to you by your parents, it was loaned to you by your children† can be applied to the issue of land so brazenly dealt with by Pieter Mulder. Infrastructure is another recent example. The youth today are effectively going to be paying for the infrastructure based on decisions by people who are likely not going to be there when the full impact of the cost will be felt. So the issue of e-tolls provided a victory to the litigants who successfully argued for the interdict to stop the e-tolling system temporarily. It is an important political victory of making sure that people concerns are heard and for the separation of powers between the Executive, Judiciary and the Parliament. It also raised important questions about who benefited from the R20 billion tenders and also questioned the fairness of the tariff structure and who will benefit from these fees. So transparency was the winner principle at the end of the day. However it is a Pyrrhic victory because the ultimate solution sought by the litigants is the shifting of the burden of paying for the roads from the road users to all taxpayers. So the bottom line is that the young people will be bearing the burden of the long term cost of this e-toll through increased taxes or less support from the government while the older people will be enjoying the retirement funds returns generated from this through the bonds they bought. Furthermore this places the user-pays-principle which is much more equitable for future generations at risk which in turn scares away the investors especially in areas where we are suffering from an infrastructure deficit. So we might be solving the infrastructure development problem by borrowing from our children to fight power politics of old people who have no enduring interest in intergenerational equity. Young people are the ones who should be shaping the decisions that affect their future represented by their informed and decisive leaders while making sure that they don’t inherit the unhelpful habits of their ancestors.

Comparing the Impact of Darwin on Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde and She Essay

The Impact of Darwin on Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde and She Who Must Be Obeyed      Ã‚   Imagine what would happen if everything you believed to be true was suddenly challenged.   How would you feel if the solid rock bottom of your religious and cultural beliefs turned into a slippery slope of doubt?   Such was the dilemma the Victorians faced with the publication of Darwin's Origin of the Species.      The questioning of man's origin in the form of evolution and survival of the fittest brought an uneasy feeling as to man's place within the hierarchy of the universe.   Darwin's theory that mankind was evolved from apes and not created by a divine being shocked civilized society.   The comparisons between civilized and uncivilized behavior linked through evolution is a predominant theme throughout Victorian literature.     Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Through the writings of this era, we can see the preoccupation with the cultural conflict between evolution and creationism.   In The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde, Robert Louis Stevenson introduces us to the concept that the beast within us all lies very close to the surface.   He explores the dual personality and the constant battle waged within oneself between civilized and uncivilized behavior.   In his full statement of the case, Dr. Jekyll states, "But I had voluntarily stripped myself of all those balancing instincts by which even the worst of us continues to walk with some degree of steadiness among temptations; and in my case, to be tempted, however slightly, was to fall." (49)   Although Dr. Jeykll was disdainful of Hr. Hyde's thoughts and actions, he recognized within himself that he enjoyed the freedom and the thrills that Mr. Hyde's uncivilized behavior brought.   He enjoyed ... ...ainty.   Both Haggard and Stevenson linked the theory to their stories in an attempt to show us the fine line between civilized and uncivilized, man or beast.   This anxiety and uncertainty was reflected in most of the literature of the time and would continue to be reflected in literature of the future.   And then Darwin comes along with The Descent of Man!    Works Cited and Consulted: Cohen, Morton N. Rider Haggard: His life & works. NY: Walker & Company, 1960. Haggard, Henry Rider. She. New York: Oxford University Press, 1887, 1991.    Stevenson, Robert Louis. The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   First Vintage Classics Edition. New York: Vintage Books, 1991.    Veeder, William. Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde after One Hundred Years. Eds.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   William Veeder and Gordon Hirsch. Chicago: University of Chicago  Press, 1988.

Disputes between the European Union and the Rest of the world Essay

Disputes between the European Union and the Rest of the world Introduction                   The sheer size of the EU sheer markets as well as its vast experience of more than forty years in negotiating international trade agreements has made it become the most powerful trading bloc in the world. Moreover, it has become a formidable power through trade, hence creating more problems with the rest of the world. The EU has increasingly used its market access as a bargaining chip to obtain changes within the domestic arena of its trading partners, starting with labor standards to development policies, and internationally, ranging from global governance to foreign policy. Therefore, this paper mainly analyses EU’s power in trade a factor that has made it create tension with the rest of the world. The analysis includes major dilemmas that are associated with how it exercises its trade power and point out why these strategies create tension with other international states. The argument also includes the need for the EU to refine it initial strat egies of accommodation for it to successfully transform its structural power to be more effective and hence have a more legitimate influence.                   Among the first goals of the EU as a trade power is using its power to secure concessions from others on market access. This makes it function as an economic globalization determinant or shaper. Basically, the EU is using its trade power to achieve non-trade objectives that range from the export-specific rules flanking market integration such as social, environment and safety standards to a more political or strategic linkage (Haughton, 2007).The rest of the world is therefore left to wonder if such use of trade power ultimately matters in geopolitical terms. Power in trade                   When we compare the EU and the US, there is no significant difference in the way the two exercise their power in trade at the bilateral levels mostly through agreements that they often have over their access to the market for their goods, capital and services in other regions. Agreements with EU have usually been involved more on reciprocal concessions over tariffs, quotas, and technical barriers to trade. However, concessions can sometimes be asymmetrical, either due to the fact that the EU could be making steeper cuts, or due to the fact that the value of the EU cuts could be greater following the size of the market. Failure to withstand such asymmetries means that the EU, similar to the US, uses preferential bilateral agreements to pry open the available markets that are found in the South as an exchange for accessing its own markets. Regionally, EU power has taken the form of less specific reciprocal concessions. As more nations across the world join regional trading blocs, the aim of the EU is to realize economies of scale through bloc-to-bloc deals. Such first bi-regional trade agreement is still being negotiated since 2000 mainly involving the EU and Mercosur, which is a customs union between Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, and Paraguay created in 1991. It is to be followed by ASEAN (the Association of South East Asian Nations) as new economic partnership agreements (EPAs) with, among others, the Caribbean countries and the Gulf Cooperation Council. It cannot be denied that in Latin America especially, have taken such moves partly in consideration to reaction by USA’s own drive towards regionalism.                   EU’s involvement in multilateral bargaining at the global level has been shaped by its relationship to the US. These two great trade powers have for so long been engaged in what is seen by the rest of the world as a battle of the titans, as each side has been trying to ensure that each of them has a continued access balance towards the market through trade and regulatory deals, if not, to resort to dispute settlement (Grabbe, 2006). As that continues, they have also tried using their trade power to exert their rule of ‘western hegemony’ over the developing world, especially towards the so-called ‘new issues’ that pertain to services as well as intellectual property that were initially introduced during the Uruguay Round. Of late little co-operation has existed between the EU–US regulatory and these two powers have kind of began pursuing sharply diverging tactics, that came up with opposing alliances during the Hong Kong meeting of the Doha Round in December 2005. Power through trade                   The EU tends to be more attached to not only multilateral forms of trade relations but also to the premises of embedded liberalism. Contrary to the US case; the EU’s use of trade in order to achieve non-trade objectives has some pride as a potential instrument of Europe’s geopolitical power. Whilst little doubt exists in regards to the EU being considered as one of the top players in world trade, there has been a lot of keen interest while assessing EU’s identity as a ‘power’ in general. They have however put across various qualifiers in characterizing a mode of influence that can enable them to manipulate others and make them perform according to the interest of the EU.                   Existence of the shift from a post-war to a post-Cold War paradigm of economic hegemony does not seem to be towards only increasing interventionism inside the affairs of trading partners, that even other nations apart from EU promotes. It has also taken other forms absent in the subservience of trade to security imperatives, the power to be yielded from asymmetries in such interdependence, and the ends of increased interdependence, as scrutinized under a mode demanding criteria of legitimacy. Even as the US tries to promote some specific features of an open trading system that tend to serve its domestic interests, the EU instead has been increasingly engaged in a more clever game where values, interests, and model are blurred. It does not just try to promote openness, but are more concern with openness ‘the EU way’. Considering the fact that the EU itself is a system of market liberalization, external efforts that it encourages are regarding replication more than domination                   Most groupings that have come up in the last decade seem to have done so majorly to increase their bargaining power within the trade negotiations against the EU and the US. They forget that having a closer relation to other regions around the world tend to be a means of enhancing the normative power of the EU and a reflection of this power. This is because such EU outstanding context and unique character as an integrative policy among other states is shown to be important. It is not US as a federal state which is relevant to integration among countries, but the EU as a federal union. Therefore, it seems the EU’s support for regional organizations like the Pacific Islands Forum and the African Union is linked to a particular expectation of contribution not only to the economic integration but also to the prevention, management and resolution of inter-state conflicts.                   However, while the EU has considered itself to be the judge of what is right or wrong as a trade power, there is some evidence showing that as a union it is indeed a conflicted trade power. This is a fact since within its different guiding principles; there are various policies which directly contradict each other (Teorell, 2010). Regionalism vs. Multilateralism                   A lot of debate has been going on, whether regional trade agreements have been indeed building blocks or they are just stumbling blocks for multilateralism. The claim by the EU has always been that they are indeed building blocks. This was demonstrated when it defended the relevance of its own approach to the Uruguay Round agenda; as both the EU as well as the GATT at the same time tried to explore the fresh basis of trade in services, of course, with diverse ambitions as to the extent of liberalization. While it was a key player in the launching of the Doha Round, it is also becoming an active promoter of regionalism.                   The question then left to ask is whether these two factions are compatible. Following the sudden jump in terms of free trade agreements to more than 300 like in 2001, the shocking thing is that the WTO has not been able to reach agreement even on a single case report towards any regional agreement in spite of them vowing to participate in the role of regional trade committees. This is in contrast to the Appellate Body which has taken on the issue, for example, they suggested on the need to apply some kind of ‘necessity test’, towards a recent ground-breaking case, where by Turkey and EU were condemned after they increased unnecessary barriers to Indian textiles when Turkey decided to enter its customs union with Europe. Following the move the EU is still drawing lessons. Of course, such judgment may act as an inspiration to the EU policy-makers in their endeavor devise strategies of accommodation trying to tame the trade-diverting effects on regionalism. As an alternative, on the region-to-region front, there could be a possible insertion of clauses that link the implementation of market access deals with progress on the multilateral front, just like it was done with ASEAN. EU’s regionalism can also come under conflict with bilateral agendas of their own partners. Trials by the EU’s strategy of encouraging regional co-operation in the Balkans have come into conflict following its use of trade linkages for domestic change.                   Also, as was realized in the Euro-Med context when the EU sought to draw lessons from past relations with the Mediterranean after its multi-lateralized its relations and encouraged trade among the southern partners by changing its rules of origins and allowance of accumulation, for example, aggregation between the value added to the southern nations. However, following lack of consensus between these economies, such approach has not yet been judged to bear fruit, (Knodt & Jà ¼nemann, 2007). There could be a need for more drastic incentives. Continued systematic promotion of regionalism could be of harm indeed to the EU’s proclaimed development goals. Like, when some analysts argue that being engaged in urging of rapid regional integration in Francophone West Africa was seen as a great contributing factor towards the subsequent instability in the region. The EU sought free movement of goods in this case, but not people, but failing to provide a re distributive wealth mechanism that was to deal with adjustment costs and at the same time undermined government social programs.                   Moreover, most of the deals negotiated throughout the 1990s under the watch of the New Transatlantic Agenda between the EU and the US tended to be vulnerable to similar criticism. In a way they have had a trial to the feasibility of exporting the approach by the EU of market integration through regulatory mutual recognition by the US. However, still it is important for the EU and the US to design such agreements as well as their supporting mechanisms better and make them be open to those who are new who might take the approach of respecting the standards adopted trans-atlantically. Non-discrimination vs. Bilateral preferential relations                   What can be seen as a major variant on the multilateralism –regionalism dilemmas tend to be increasing tension between the vowed commitment of the EU to international trade law, more specifically the highly favored-nation (MFN) principle, as well as the desire of the EU to be able to maintain preferential trading relations with specific countries. The agreement by the EU to the concept of ‘trade distorting’ regimes that stems from some of its members’ colonial pasts, exceeding the entire preferential market access granted to ACP countries, may of course sound as an objective even more commendable as compared to the MFN pursuit of global justice. However, it is important for EU to be clear on the price it has to pay for this moral luxury. Therefore, establishing such tension between international law and special relations tend to be acting geopolitically pitting two sets of developing countries against one another.                   Likewise, the 2001 Everything But Arms initiative (EBA) involvement in granting duty and quota-free access to the entire exports but not where arms and munitions are involved from the least countries that are less developed has faced criticism for excluding the key crops such as sugar, rice and bananas until 2009, as well as for leading in discriminatory practices among developing countries. Vulnerable and small economies that have been included tend to be bound to displace the exports of the same but some countries were excluded. Some States like the Caribbean or the Bangladesh members of the ACP group got a chance to benefit from this preferential trading arrangement with the EU. The WTO has many times condemned such policies. However, most of the member states, like UK, France, or Portugal who are former colonial powers, would not be keen on abandoning a system that is designed to eradicate poverty for the poorest farmers around the world who have bec ome dependent on inflated EU prices. In this instance, the EU has chosen a classic strategy of accommodation: progressive graduation as well as the negotiation of transition systems. Based on the multilateral constraint, EU’s only remaining power tend to lie with determining the speed of transfer of adjustment costs with its trading partners and its import intermediaries.                   This kind of negative power is doomed to unpopularity. Therefore, by EU presenting a new deal like in 2005 of cutting guaranteed sugar prices by 36 per cent over four years, it was predictably criticized on all sides, attacked based on the fact that it was reforming the detriment of poor sugar exporting countries and it was failing to move much further. Somehow, the EU seems to have taken firm grounds stand, ironically, even playing around with the non-discriminatory obligations that are contained within the GSP, at least as under the rule of the WTO 2004 appellate body ruling on EU vs. India. In this case, India was challenging the EU’s modified GSP which tend to provide an additional margin of preference on the part of recipients with drugs enforcement policies where the Commission was involved in inventing the entire list of beneficiaries of the programme without considering any objective criteria. Seen as a brilliant compromise given to the EU given by the AB, the benefit of the doubt based on the fact that indeed the right to modify preferential treatment was not subject to a simplistic constraint of identical treatment among beneficiaries, (Tocci, N., 2007). The AB argued that different developing countries were not situated on the same way when it comes to their different needs and hence could possibly be subject to ‘performance requirements’ as long as the approach were objective, transparent, as well as non-discriminatory in the broad sense. What question perhaps remains to be tested is what are acceptable conditionalities more generally? In a sense, it was important for the EU to develop a more universal approach as to where to draw the line. Western Hegemony Vs. Mediating Power                   An area which has also brought tension is in the EU’s alliance strategy as well as the light it portrays on what kind of actor it really wants to become. As a matter of fact, is it possible for the EU to play the part of the nervous protectionist North (agriculture), the rich liberal North (services), as well as the mediator between the South and the North? Taking the ‘rich North,’ is it necessary for it to generally to always take the US side for it to protect their shared commercial interests? Or it should go for emphasizing its vocation as a mediating power on the global scene, especially between the developing world and the US but at the same time, increasingly, between different interests in the developing world itself? Just as was recently demonstrated by controversies in the Doha Round, not only do multilateral trade negotiations are asking how much liberalization, but they are also asking what kind of liberalization as well as for whose benefit The Uruguay Round basically represent the culmination of an assertive US–EU alliance bent towards a commercially driven line in addition to a grand bargain between their reluctant acceptance of (partial) opening on some tropical/agricultural products and a (delayed) opening on textile, as an exchange for introducing fresh issues within the newly created WTO. In particular, intellectual property issues have exposed the EU to a lot of criticism that comes from the developing world due to the fact it sided with the interest of US multinationals.                   This tension between the North – including the EU – and the developing world started way back. However, a lot of attempt has been made by the EU to establish a reputation as a champion of development including through its 2001 role, when it launched the ‘Doha development agenda. Some other promoted path-breaking declaration on trade and public health has been going on. Like it has opened the way for legalizing broad exemptions from intellectual property constraints during any imports on generic drugs to treat diseases such as AIDS. There are also other initiatives, for example the databank which was set up by the Commission’s Directorate General for Trade in order to assist developing countries in their market access strategies, and have enabled the EU begin to change the image it has in the WTO.                   Following what recently came up in the Doha Round is an indication again to the lack of commitment that the EU has in seeking to marry its natural alliance in most of the domains (not all) with the US and its development advocacy. For example, when a World Bank Study questioned the EU’s ‘demonstration strategy’ through EBA stating that once requirements such as standards as well as rules of origin were taken into account, it was realized that the US was actually more open to LDC exports as compared to the EU. On the other hand, there is failure by the EU to promote multilateral solutions that is capable of addressing perhaps the single most important factor that links trade and poverty such as the massive volatility as well as decline in the price of primary commodities. As a result if the EU is indeed committed to uphold an image as a ‘mediating power’ within the global political economy, it will have no option but to ac tively promote changes in the WTO which the US is likely to actively resist, (Marshall, M., & Jaggers, K.,2010). However, a lot of failure has been manifested by the EU in exploiting a potentially promising strategy of accommodation like putting transatlantic economic as well as regulatory co operation at the service of multilateralism. Internal vs. external objectives                   Somehow, the manner in which the EU is exercising power through trade should be held up to special standards. Claiming consistency between its internal and external actions tend to be at the heart of its legitimate exercise of power. The EU has indeed faced difficulties in an attempt to lead by example in the area of trade. Like, in case where the single market has been premised based on the assumption that free movement of people is a key dimension of market integration, as a matter of fact, what will this one mean for the position taken by the EU on the freedom of movement of people in order to deliver services? In order for EU to be consistent, it will need to invest political capital and more creativity in ‘globalization with human faces’ as well as the manner in which there could be encouragement of back-and-forth movement of people as an alternative to permanent migration.                   The existing tension between the internal and external is well evidenced over agriculture, and came up in the Doha Round. A lot of questions have been raised over the conflicted position taken by the EU regarding agricultural tariffs and subsidies in its commitment to putting multilateralism at the service of development. As a matter of fact, there is no need for denying European citizens their landscape, food security, and way of life. However, it is important to tell them the much it costs, like the number of people who are now living under $1 a day. Also the question can be whether region-to-region agreements tend to be more about promoting regional integration outside the EU ‘per se’ but not taking the form of a worldwide strategy pushing for convergence with European standards as well as mutual opening of markets, thereby supporting EU incumbents. Time and again representatives of Mercosur have stated that they are aiming to follow the EU’s example, which according to them has made Europe ‘less dependent on the outside world, (the EU has stressed market opening). What is interesting is that the current political leadership in Mercosur, particularly President Lula in Brazil, have kind of supported the EU project over the US-led Free Trade of the Americas Agreement, indicating that the EU’s leverage through trade does not show some indications of legitimacy as compared to that of that of the US, (Stephanie Hanson, and Brianna Lee, 2012).                   Moreover, it seems that EU assumes that the liberal recipe of ‘peace through commerce’ which has indeed seems to have worked so well with them applies uniformly anywhere else. Generally, trade is capable of fueling conflict especially when carried out within a context of corrupt governance, deep social inequalities, and unfair rules, as well as without enough attention being paid to its destructive byproducts like export dependence, adjustment costs, price volatility or illegal trafficking. For EU to bring its external action to be in line with its internal philosophy, it needs to establish trade policies that are also sensitive to these potential conflicts. The current certifications efforts for diamonds or timber constitute tend to be a promising starting point. Equal Partnership vs. Conditional Opening                   There is a fundamental contradiction that exists as well within the very idea of ‘normative’ or ‘soft’ power. The language the EU is speaking is of shared norms which are developed through consensus and co-operation. But on the other hand, trade power tends to be the use of ‘carrots and sticks’ in enforcing such norms on trading partners. We are not even surprised that the incorporation of non-trade conditions in trade deals faces great resistance from developing countries, as they just see this to be a blunt coercion. A growing debate is now going on regarding the effectiveness of conditionality, which is now kind of spilling over from the field of aid to that of trade. Regardless of any instrumental argument, what is still being asked is whether a post-colonial power is not suppose to rely on voluntary change as well as the provision of public goods like its markets in bolstering the likelihood of such change. Do we miss to see a contradiction as the EU tries to export norms of its making, which is predicated based on voluntary co-operation between states using its quasi-coercive leverage through trade? Some of the policies such as the EBA undoubtedly tend to lie at the other end of the spectrum; unconditional opening to be a tool for development; having trust that new export opportunities in themselves is likely to encourage desired changes in the beneficiaries. Nevertheless, is it true that this policy is genuinely taking the interests of developing countries to heart, or it is just a public relations coup on the part of the EU? This is a signal to the rest of the world that the EU was eventually acting upon its pro-developing world rhetoric, the EU managed to find their way out in Hong Kong in generalizing the principle under WTO. So far giving way duty/quota-free access to 97 per cent of the products that originates in least developed countries is not welcomed by majority. Trade Liberalization vs. Domestic Preferences                   There is great tension for the EU as a trade power based on the embedded liberalism compromise. The conflict is in the manner of combining a trade liberalization credo with a primary concern for the social effects of market integration. Often, the EU has been facing social demands for protection that somehow may be going beyond the spirit of embedded liberalism. In response to such demands, the Commission’s trade policy-makers under the leadership of Pascal Lamy have developed a fresh conceptual apparatus based on the fact of collective preferences setting up institutions that are capable of forging collective preferences. The end result is diversification of social choices over health care, inter alia food safety, precaution in the field of biotechnology or welfare rights, cultural diversity, public provision of education and health care. However, it is argued that if these concerns justify protection then the EU has the obligation of providing c ompensation to its trading partners. Conclusion                   Indeed, it seems like EU exploits its formidable trade power for pursuing non-trade objectives through conditionality or through fostering regional trade blocs in its own image. This highlights the way the divergences between member states objectives makes it hard for the EU to signal its resolve to the outside world more clearly. Nonetheless, such divergences are themselves a byproduct or an expression of existing tensions between various alternative priorities or even norms that must simultaneously be committed to by the EU machinery, such as nondiscrimination and bilateral preferential relations, regionalism and multilateralism, western hegemony and mediating power, trade liberalization and domestic preferences, internal and external objectives, equal partnership and conditional opening. Due to the fact that legitimacy tends to be the main currency for an aspiring normative power, it will be difficult for the EU to effectively become a power through t rade without addressing what majority of the world considers being unsustainable contradictions. References Haughton, T. (2007). When does the EU make a difference? Conditionality and the accession process in Central and Eastern Europe. Political Studies Review, 5(2), 233–246. Knodt, M., & Jà ¼nemann, A. (2007). Introduction: Conceptionalizing the EU’s promotion of democracy. In A. Jà ¼nemann & M. Knodt (Eds.), Externe Demokratiefà ¶rderung durch die Europà ¤ische Union-European external democracy promotion (pp. 9–32). Baden-Baden: Nomos. Marshall, M., & Jaggers, K. (2010). Polity IV project: Political regime characteristics and transitions, 1800–2009. Fairfax: Center for Systemic Peace, George Mason University. Stephanie Hanson, and Brianna Lee (2012) Mercosur: South America’s Fractious Trade Bloc. Retrieved 3rd 10, 2014. http://www.cfr.org/trade/mercosur-south-americas-fractious-trade-bloc/p12762 Teorell, J. (2010). Determinants of democratization: Explaining regime change in the world. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Tocci, N. (2007). The EU and conflict resolution. Promoting peace in the backyard. London: Routledge. Source document

The Moral Model Of Addiction - 2309 Words

It is paramount to attempt to understand why individuals become ‘addicts’/ drug dependent, as in doing so treatments and therapies may be adopted in line with the needs of the drug dependent individual. A greater understanding in the area of causality may produce more effective interventions at earlier stages of drug misuse. Definition addiction/dependence, lots of theories this paper will provide a brief overview of the main theories of addiction in view to their relevance within treatment and recovery issues which will be discussed in later sections. There are many models and theories which attempt to explain the causes of substance misuse and dependence. They range from those which highlight the importance of genetic and biological factors to those which stress social and psychological factors and those which may consider the ‘blame’ to be that of the dependent individual (Rassool 2009). The moral model of addiction developed when religion and the clergymen within were held in great respect. They were considered to be highly knowledgeable on issues of human behaviour thus; they held great influence over society and offered a moral guide on the behaviour of people. The moral model of addiction is based on the assumption that substance misuse is the outcome of moral weakness and bad character (Wilbanks, 1989, p.408). According to Wilbanks (1989), the moral model views addiction as a choice made by those with low moral standards and addicts are characterised as inherentlyShow MoreRelatedAddiction : The Moral Model Of Addiction Essay2483 Words   |  10 Pagesdoes the disease model of addiction differ from the moral model of addiction? The disease model of addiction and the moral model of addiction provide completely different explanation for the tendency of substance abuse. The disease model of addiction predates to 1784 when the American physician Benjamin Rush published a pamphlet which discussed alcoholism in medical terms and outlined treatments for what he considered was a â€Å"disease† (Atkins, 2014, p. 52). This model of addiction generally arguesRead MoreMontoyaW Conceptualizingaddictionpaper1080 Words   |  5 Pagesï » ¿ Conceptualizing Addiction Paper Montoya Williams BSHS/455 November 4, 2014 Carla Malewicz Conceptualizing Addiction Paper Introduction For many years, individuals have battled substance abuse and addiction. My position comes from hearing about it, having seeing results from it, and reading about it, also developing my own thoughts about addiction. Weil and Rosen (1993) believe that a drug use (and addiction) results from humans longing for a sense of completeness and wholeness, and searchingRead MoreAddiction Problems And The Field Of Addiction Treatment Essay920 Words   |  4 Pagesunderstand their clients with addiction problems and motivate them to change. This model is one of the most widely used models within the field of addiction treatment initially developed to describe the process of adopting any healthy behavior. Motivational interviewing shares much in common with the trans-theoretical or Stages of Change Model of behavior change. Although not universally endorsed, the trans-theoretical model holds that at any given time, a person is at a particular stage in relationRead MoreAddiction Models988 Words   |  4 PagesSubstance Use Behavior Addiction is regarded as having a multitude of causations and contributing factors. No single specific component or model can accurately predict a person’s substance use behavior (Clinton amp; Scalise, 2013). Substance use disorders are a reflection of the impact of person-specific biological, psychological, and social influences. Understanding an individual’s spiritual beliefs and the role spirituality plays in a person’s susceptibility to addiction is also necessary. If aRead MoreIs Drug Addiction A Choice Or A Disease?1743 Words   |  7 PagesIs drug addiction a choice or a disease ? There are two central debates that often arise when speaking of addiction ; either addiction is a disease caused by the brain, or addiction is a matter of weak will. In comparison the disease model would take responsibility away from the addict and place it on biological reasoning ; the weak will model, would ultimately condemn the addict and place blame on the addicts decision making process and thus blame the addict for their behavior. Utilitarian theoryRead MoreEthical Issues Of Drug Abuse1381 Words   |  6 Pagesdependency. â€Å"The abstinence only service delivery model is a barrier to treatment services for the majority of substance users in need of services (Tatarsky, 2002). The illustration of the family is just an example. But the experience of being kicked-out and the shame at the moment of decline services is a common experience shared reported by individuals who choose to disengage from those programs. The author question â€Å"the mainstream high-threshold model of service delivery which permits the â€Å"cherryRead MoreSymptoms And Treatments Of Addiction1307 Words   |  6 PagesEtiology of Addiction Addiction can come in many forms, and be influenced by many different factors. The cause and influence for one’s addiction is never the same as any other person; however, some cases may have similar points that they touch on. No matter what the cause is of an individual’s substance usage or addiction, we can always refer to several different models that describe the etiology of addiction, and utilize the one that best fits the start, severity, and course of an individual’sRead MoreModels of Addiction Essay822 Words   |  4 PagesModels of Addiction SUBS 505 Models of Addiction The three models of addiction examined in this week’s readings include the medical model, the psychosocial model, and the disease of the human spirit model. The medical model â€Å"rests on the assumption that disease states are the result of a biological dysfunction, possibly one on the cellular or even molecular level† (Doweiko, 2012, p. 333). Many consider this model and â€Å"maintain that much of human behavior is based on the interaction between theRead MoreFactors Influencing the Prevelence of Addiction Essay1275 Words   |  6 Pages Addiction Everyday we see and hear news articles and reviews that say: â€Å"I cannot put down Twilight†¦ it’s addicting!† or â€Å"I’m a Breaking Bad addict!† The way the term addiction is used in the media these days, many would overlook its actual significance and the trouble it causes for millions across the globe. Recently, many individuals have referred to addiction as anything that is a compulsive need or habit-forming, which could involve everything from substances, like nicotine or alcohol, toRead MoreThe Drug Of Drug And Alcohol Abuse Essay1531 Words   |  7 Pagesyoung adult man living in Scotland. When examining the actual diagnostic criteria, causes, and treatment of drug addiction from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual, comparisons can be made between the portrayal of addiction in the film and reality. Familial and genetic influences, social and environmental issues, positive and negative reinforcement, the opponent process theory, models of chemical dependence and treatment methods are displayed throughout the film with high validity. Many different